Chief Economist & Political Strategist, CrossASEAN Research

Prasenjit K. Basu

PK Basu has 34 years experience covering Asia's economies and markets (equities, fixed income and currencies), including 20 years covering the global economy. He was Chief Economist (SE Asia & India) at Credit Suisse First Boston for 5 years, and Chief Asia (x-Jpn) Economist at Daiwa Securities for a similar period. Among other roles, he was global head of research at Maybank Kim Eng, Malaysia equity research head and chief ASEAN economist at Macquarie, Chief Economist at ICICI Securities, ASEAN economist at UBS and the first chief economist at Khazanah Nasional (where he was co-head of research, and led all agri-business initiatives). PK Basu started his career in the Asia Service of WEFA (Wharton Econometrics) in Philadelphia in 1990, rising to be Director of their Asia Service in June 1994. 
PK's book, "Asia Reborn: A continent rises from the ravages of Colonialism and War to a New Dynamism" won the Tata Literature First Book Award (non-fiction) for 2018. It is the first single chronicle of the modern economic and political history of the whole of Asia (from Iraq and Turkey to Korea and Japan, and everything in between), told from an Asian perspective.

Chief Economist & Political Strategist

Malaysia: Economy To Run Into Speed Bumps In 3Q21, Followed by Strong Finish To 2021

Malaysian Politics Plunged Into Deeper Uncertainty

Malaysia: Some Stability Till Pandemic Subsides

ASEAN as Epicentre of the Covid Crisis: Malaysia Worst Off, Indonesia Improving

Malaysia: Muhyiddin On Borrowed Time Amid Unprecedented Royal Rebuke

Gravity Works As WeWork Doesn't; Now Plan B

CrossASEAN Research

At CrossASEAN Research we strive to produce unbiased and differentiated on the ground insights on companies across South East Asia. Our Research is produced for the most part after face to face meetings and conversations with company management to dig deep into the long term vision and strategy of the companies we cover. We seek to deliver investable and actionable themes on sectors and markets across SE Asia, often in collaboration with other Insight Providers across the region, pooling the vast experience of the analysts within the Smartkarma Ecosystem. We also offer bespoke work and tailor made trips for our clients. 

Insights across South East Asia

Cross Asset Strategy

With the Supreme Council of UMNO (Malaysia's former ruling party, which is now down to just 38 out of 220 MPs in the current parliament) withdrawing support from PM Muhyiddin's Perikatan Nasional (PN), the latter is theoretically down to 77 MPs. However, 26 UMNO MPs (including recently-appointed DPM Ismail Sabry Yaakob, Senior Minister Hishamuddin Hussein and Coordinating minister for Covid vaccination Khairy Jamaluddin) have not yet signed statutory declarations (SDs) withdrawing support from PM Muhyiddin Yassin's PN government. Even if he is able to hold onto all 26 MPs, however, Muhyiddin will have only 103 MPs, 8 short of a majority. Pakatan Harapan (PH), the main Opposition alliance led by Anwar Ibrahim, has 90 MPs, 21 short of a majority. If the 38 UMNO MPs swing their support to PH, it will be able to comfortably form a government, but that is unlikely immediately. Beginning with 12 UMNO MPs, Anwar will need another 9. If the Sarawak-based GPS goes along with the UMNO (hence BN) leadership and switches to PH (a big leap that the GPS has never made electorally in the past), that will suffice to enable Anwar to form a government. Alternatively, Anwar could form a government with the help of Shafie Apdal's Warisan (8 MPs) plus a couple of independents, or more easily with Warisan plus the 4 MPs from Mahathir's Pejuang. The King has thus far been reluctant to allow Anwar to form a government. The implicit fear among Malays (as perhaps also felt by many of the rulers) is that a PH government will be dominated by DAP, which will be its largest party. Given the political impasse, and the fact that PH (then including Muhyiddin's Bersatu) did win the last general election, a PH government would be morally legitimate. UMNO, however, will look primarily at the next general election, now unlikely to be held for at least another 9-12 months (until Covid recedes). With Muhyiddin losing credibility after the shambolic response to Covid in the past half-year, UMNO is now expressing outrage over the PN government's perceived insults to the King. Since it cannot form a government on its own, the UMNO leadership will likely go along with an Anwar-led government, as long as UMNO is prominently represented in it. The UMNO calculation will be that, when the party is ready for a post-Covid general election, UMNO will pull the plug on Anwar's government and take the country back to a general election. For now, uncertainty prevails (a big negative); but if Anwar Ibrahim is finally able to become Prime Minister (heading a genuinely multi-ethnic government and cabinet), it will be good for Malaysia in the longer-term.

With the Supreme Council of UMNO (Malaysia's former ruling party, which is now down to just 38 out of 220 MPs in the current parliament) withdrawing support from PM Muhyiddin's Perikatan Nasional (PN), the latter is theoretically down to 77 MPs. However, 26 UMNO MPs (including recently-appointed DPM Ismail Sabry Yaakob, Senior Minister Hishamuddin Hussein and Coordinating minister for Covid vaccination Khairy Jamaluddin) have not yet signed statutory declarations (SDs) withdrawing support from PM Muhyiddin Yassin's PN government. Even if he is able to hold onto all 26 MPs, however, Muhyiddin will have only 103 MPs, 8 short of a majority. Pakatan Harapan (PH), the main Opposition alliance led by Anwar Ibrahim, has 90 MPs, 21 short of a majority. If the 38 UMNO MPs swing their support to PH, it will be able to comfortably form a government, but that is unlikely immediately. Beginning with 12 UMNO MPs, Anwar will need another 9. If the Sarawak-based GPS goes along with the UMNO (hence BN) leadership and switches to PH (a big leap that the GPS has never made electorally in the past), that will suffice to enable Anwar to form a government. Alternatively, Anwar could form a government with the help of Shafie Apdal's Warisan (8 MPs) plus a couple of independents, or more easily with Warisan plus the 4 MPs from Mahathir's Pejuang. The King has thus far been reluctant to allow Anwar to form a government. The implicit fear among Malays (as perhaps also felt by many of the rulers) is that a PH government will be dominated by DAP, which will be its largest party. Given the political impasse, and the fact that PH (then including Muhyiddin's Bersatu) did win the last general election, a PH government would be morally legitimate. UMNO, however, will look primarily at the next general election, now unlikely to be held for at least another 9-12 months (until Covid recedes). With Muhyiddin losing credibility after the shambolic response to Covid in the past half-year, UMNO is now expressing outrage over the PN government's perceived insults to the King. Since it cannot form a government on its own, the UMNO leadership will likely go along with an Anwar-led government, as long as UMNO is prominently represented in it. The UMNO calculation will be that, when the party is ready for a post-Covid general election, UMNO will pull the plug on Anwar's government and take the country back to a general election. For now, uncertainty prevails (a big negative); but if Anwar Ibrahim is finally able to become Prime Minister (heading a genuinely multi-ethnic government and cabinet), it will be good for Malaysia in the longer-term. 

Kuala Lumpur Composite Index (KLCI) (FBMKLCI INDEX)

Malaysia in Political Flux: Muhyiddin Likely to Go, but Can Anwar Gain a Majority?